動詞由来複合語の統語・音韻・意味
西山國雄
分散形態論の新展開, 2023年12月, ［査読有り］, ［招待有り］
日本語の丁寧形
西山國雄, 開拓社
構文形式と語彙情報, 2023年10月, ［査読有り］
日本語の形態論と他部門のインターフェイス
開拓社
形態論と言語学諸分野とのインターフェイス, 2021年11月, ［招待有り］
「ない」イディオムと語彙化
西山國雄, くろしお出版
レキシコン研究の現代的課題, 2021年04月, ［査読有り］, ［招待有り］
東インドネシア言語の繰り上げ述語の複文構造
西山國雄, 開拓社
小川芳樹（編）コーパスからわかる言語変化・変異と言語理論２, 2019年11月, ［査読有り］, ［招待有り］
日英語の複合形容詞 ―oil-rich と「欲深い」の平行性―
開拓社
西原哲雄他（編）『言語におけるインダーフェイス』, 2019年11月, ［招待有り］
Phrasal compounds in JapaneseBerlin: Language Science Press
Carola Trips & Jaklin Kornfilt (eds.), Further investigations into the nature of phrasal compounding (Morphological Investigations 1), 2017年,
［査読有り］,
［招待有り］ ラマホロト語の助動詞の語順
西山國雄, 開拓社
小川芳樹・長野明子・菊地郎(編), 『コーパスからわかる言語変化変異と言語理論』, 2016年11月, ［査読有り］, ［招待有り］
The Theoretical Status of Ren’yoo (Stem) in Japanese Verbal MorphologyKunio Nishiyama, This paper contributes to the debate over the necessity of autonomous morphology in the sense of Aronoff (1994) by discussing Japanese verbs. The issue centers on the theoretical status of the so-called ren’yoo form, which the traditional approach says is selected morphologically by particular suffixes. I claim that there is no need to resort to morphological selection to obtain the correct form of Japanese verbs. Instead, the presence of [i], which appears in the ren’yoo form, is predicted either phonologically (as an epenthesis) or syntactically (as the infinitive marker). The evidence comes form modern Japanese as well as from premodern Japanese, and I argue that in diachrony as well, there is no evidence that autonomous morphology is playing active roles., Springer
Morphology, 2016年02月01日,
［査読有り］ 日本語の句複合
西原哲雄・田中真一（編）, 『現代の形態論と音声学・音韻論の視点と論点』, 2015年11月
Decomposing demonstratives and wh-words
JELS, 2013年, ［査読有り］
複合動詞における助動詞化と無他動性
西山國雄、小川芳樹
世界に向けた日本語研究 遠藤喜雄（編） 開拓社,, 2013年
「活用形の形態論、統語論、音韻論、通時」
三原健一・仁田義雄(編)『活用論の前線』くろしお出版, 2012年, ［査読有り］
Conjunctive agreement in LamaholotKunio Nishiyama, This paper presents a description and a theoretical analysis of agreement within coordination in Lamaholot (Austronesian), where the first conjunct agrees with the conjunction 'and'. Conjunctive agreement is obligatory in the subject position but is optional in the object position. The analysis is couched in terms of markedness of case and proposes that the case of the subject (nominative) is unmarked compared to the case of the object (accusative), and that only unmarked case enables phi-features of the agreement control to be copied onto the agreement host. Apparent optionality is accounted for by manners of case spreading in coordination. Conjunctive agreement is also reported in the genetically unrelated but areally related language of Walman. Although conjunctive agreement originates in verbal agreement with the comitative function in both languages, it is shown that grammaticalization from the comitative to the conjunction is more advanced in Lamaholot, at least in terms of syntax and morphology., CAMBRIDGE UNIV PRESS
JOURNAL OF LINGUISTICS, 2011年07月,
［査読有り］ RELABELLING AND MULTI-DIRECTIONALITY ,IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF COORDINATIONKunio Nishiyama, Cross-linguistically, there is polysemy of ‘with’ and ‘and,’ which is explained as development from the comitative to the conjunction. Formally, the development is captured as change of labels from DP to &
P, which instantiates the emergence of a functional category. Coordination is decomposed into several factors, each of which changes independently. This explains several types of anomalous coordination where only some, but not all, factors have changed. Such anomalous sentences manifest the gradualness of language change, and close examination of them reveals that the change is not unidirectional but multi-directional. © 2010, The English Linguistic Society of Japan. All rights reserved.
English Linguistics, 2010年12月,
［査読有り］ Penultimate accent in Japanese predicates and the verb–noun distinctionKunio Nishiyama, In contrast to antepenultimate accent in nouns (cf. Kubozono, 2008), predicates (mainly verbs) in Japanese are argued to have basic penultimate accent. Thus, tabe'ru 'eat.PRES' and tabesase'ru 'eat.CAUS.PRES' are the basic pattern. New evidence is provided to support the view that seemingly antepenultimate accent in ta'beta 'eat.PAST' and tabesa'seta 'eat.CAUS. PAST' should be analyzed with special treatment of -ta. After considering several approaches, I will argue in favor of an analysis in which the original accent position of the verb stem is underspecified and the suffix -ta is extrametrical. There are variations in accent pattern in verbal conjugation, and other complicated accent patterns are analyzed with selective or partial extrametricality of the suffix. Variations in accent pattern are also observed between verbs and nouns. These differences are attributed to the morphological structure: while nouns are free forms and subject to compounding, verbs are bound forms and subject to suffixation. Despite the difference, nouns and verbs are claimed to share the same fundamental property: both accent the syllable at the morpheme boundary. (C) 2010 Published by Elsevier B.V., ELSEVIER SCIENCE BV
Lingua, 2010年,
［査読有り］ Japanese Object Honorification and the Nature of Agreement
言語研究の現在, 2008年03月17日
V-V Compounds
The Oxford Handbook of Japanese Linguistics, 2008年, ［査読有り］
Verbs, Adjectives, and Pred: Review of Mark C. Baker, Lexical Categories
English Linguistics, 2005年, ［査読有り］
Post-Syntactic Passivization and the Abstract Clitic Position in Indonesian
Proceedings of Austronesian Formal Linguistics Association 9: Cornell Working Papers in Linguistics, 2003年
自他交替と形態論
日英語の自他の交替、ひつじ書房, 2000年
Predicative and Attributive Forms in Classical Japanese
MIT Working Papers in Linguistics, 2000年, ［査読有り］
The Morphology-Phonology Distinction and Derivational/Representational Views of Grammar : A Case of Phonologically Conditioned Allomorphy
Explorations in English Linguistics, 1999年
V-V Compounds as SerializationKunio Nishiyama, This article argues for a fundamental structural similarity between Serial Verb Constructions, widely known from Kwa languages, and V-V compounds in Japanese. A major theoretical implication of the analysis is that it supports an analysis of clausal structure where the external argument is not included in the immediate projection of a verb but is introduced by another projection (Collins (1997a), among others). © 1998 Kluwer Academic Publishers., Springer Netherlands
Journal of East Asian Linguistics, 1998年
The Morphosyntax and Morphophonology of Japanese Predicates
Ph. D. dissertation, Cornell University, 1998年, ［査読有り］
V-V Compounds as Serialization
Journal of East Asian Linguistics, 1998年
Free Order in Buginese Noun Phrases and DP-internal XP-movement
North Eastern Linguistic Society, 1998年, ［査読有り］
Predicate Cleft Constructions in Japanese and Korean
with Eun Ch
Japanese/Korean Linguistics 7, 1998年
What Does the Copula Do?
University of Pennsylvania Working Papers in Linguistics, 1997年, ［査読有り］
Syntactic Movement of Overt Wh-Phrases in Japanese and Korean
with John Whitman; Eun-Young Yi
Japanese/Korean Linguistics 5, 1996年
Historical Change of Japanese Verds and Its Implications for Optimality Theory
MIT Working Papers in Linguistics 29, 1996年
Structures for Situation
In Honor of Nobuyuki Higashi、研究社, 1995年
Sluicing without Wh-Movement.
Kunio Nishiyama
Cornell Working Papers in Linguistics, 1995年, ［査読有り］
Division of Goal : A View of Double objects
Tokyo Linguistics Forum, 1992年
